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Jiyoung Yoon, University of North Texas

jyyoon@unt.edu

 

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Expressing emotion, necessity, and possession in Spanish and Korean:

A construction grammar approach

 

This paper deals with the semantics and syntax of constructions involving verbs of necessity, possession, and emotion in Spanish and Korean from the point of view of Construction Grammar. In those two languages, the accusative (ACC) is usually the case that marks the direct object and correlates with the patient, while the nominative (NOM) is typically the case that marks the subject and correlates with the agent, as illustrated in (1-2). However, in Spanish, the so-called gustar-type verbs expressing the subject’s emotion or feeling as in (3), as well as verbs of necessity and possession as in (4), take a dative (DAT) NP as the semantic subject. Likewise, in Korean, the canonical expression of emotion (5), necessity (6), and possession (7) displays a nominative-nominative pattern (also known as a double-subject construction), in which the accusative-marked object would render the sentence ungrammatical.

 

I observe that those verbs of emotion, necessity, and possession are all stative (that is, they lack action) and atelic (they lack an endpoint), and the subject is usually non-agent-like and non-volitional, thus the constructions in which they appear normally involve low transitivity (terms defined in Hopper and Thompson 1980). Following the spirit of Construction Grammar (Goldberg 1995, 1999, 2006; Lakoff 1987), I argue that in users’ Spanish and Korean grammar, constructions involving verbs of emotion, necessity, and possession are categorized and stored as different construction types from those involving a higher degree of transitivity like the examples in (1-2). This study further explores the relationship between such constructions involving non-canonical case marking, i.e., DAT subjects in Spanish and double-subject constructions in Korean, on the one hand, and constructions involving a low degree of transitivity but canonical case marking, i.e., NOM subject-ACC object, as in such verbs as querer ‘like’ and necesitar ‘need’, on the other hand, as illustrated in (8-9):

 

Data:

 (1)       Yo                   te                     invité    a          cenar.

            I(NOM)           you(ACC)        invited to          have dinner

            “I invited you to have dinner.”

(2)        nay       tongseng           -i          pap      -ul        moko-yo

my        sister                NOM   rice       ACC    eat-DEC [declarative sentence ending]

            “My sister is eating rice.”

(3)   Me       {gusta / horroriza}        la canción.

I(DAT) {please / terrify}           the song

“The song pleases/terrifies me.”

(4)   Nos                  {falta / queda} dinero.

we(DAT)         {lack / remain}money

“We lack money / We have money left.”

(5)   nay-     ka        pam-    i           /*-ul     musep-ta.

I           NOM   night     NOM   /*ACC afraid-DEC

“I am afraid of night.”

 

(6)        nay-ka              chinkwu-ka      /*-lul                philyohay-yo

            I-NOM                        friend-NOM     /*ACC             need-DEC

            “I need a friend / friends.”

(7)        na-nun              chinkwu-ka      /*-lul                iss-eyo

            I-TOP              friend-NOM     /*ACC             exist-DEC

            “I have a friend / friends.”

(8)        Yo                   te                     quiero   mucho.

            I(NOM)           you(ACC)        like       a lot

            “I like you a lot.”

(9)        El hombre         necesita            a          la mujer            y          la mujer           

the man            need                 ACC    the woman        and       the woman

necesita            al                      hombre.

need                 ACC-the          man

“Men need women and women need men.”

 

References

Delbecque, Nicole. 2002. A Construction Grammar approach to transitivity in Spanish.

The Nominative/Accusative and their counterparts, ed. by Davidse, Kristin & Béatrice Lamiroy, 81-130. Amsterdam: John Benjamins.

Goldberg, Adele E. 1995. A Construction Grammar approach to argument structure.  

Chicago and London: The University of Chicago Press.

----------. 1999. The Emergence of the Semantics of Argument Structure Constructions,

      The Emergence of Language ed. by Brian MacWhinney, 197-212. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates.

----------. 2006. Constructions at work: The nature of generalization in language. New

York: Oxford University Press.

Haspelmath, Martin. 2001. Non-canonical marking of core arguments in European

languages. Non-canonical marking of subjects and objects, ed. by Aikhenvald, Alexandra Y., R. M. W. Dixon & Masayuki Onishi, 53-83. Amsterdam: John Benjamins.

Hopper, Paul. J., and Sandra A. Thompson. 1980. Transitivity in grammar and discourse.  Language 56.251-99.

Lakoff, George. 1987. Women, Fire, and Dangerous Things: What Categories Reveal

about the Mind. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

Suh, Sungki. 2003. The distribution of multiple subject constructions in Korean. Ohak

Yonku/Language Research 39. 839-857.

Yeon, Jaehoon. 2001. Transitivity alternation and neutral-verbs in Korean. Bulletin of the

School of Oriental and African Languages 64.381-391.