Sayaka Abe, University at Buffalo
How natural is intersubjectification? – “internal” and “external” factors in the development of the Japanese grammaticalized marker -te-shimau
Linguistic embedding of interpersonal factors has been investigated by many scholars. In particular, intersubjectivity concerns speakers’ sensitivity toward speech situations and is typically indicated by overt social deixis and explicit markers of speaker/writer attention to addressee/reader such as hedges, politeness markers and honorific titles, as described by Traugott and Dasher (2002:23) The authors claim that intersubjectivity arises out of subjectivity (= speaker’s attitude toward a proposition) and that ‘subjectification and intersubjectification are both typical of “internal” change in the sense that they are natural changes’ (ibid. 32).
The claims above imply that intersubjectivity is regarded as an extension of subjectivity or as ‘more subjective’ than subjectivity, and give rise to a question about intersubjectification, which is, in what way are such processes natural?
In this study, I attempt to elucidate properties of intersubjectification by discussing the development of the Japanese grammaticalized marker -te-shimau (and its contracted form -chau), the functions of which have been described in a number of studies (see next page) but not sufficiently in terms of (inter)subjectification. The marker was grammaticalized (from the verb shimau ‘to put away, stow, finish’) to indicate ‘coerced completion’ and, less frequently, ‘natural completion’ around the mid/late seventeenth century, followed by ‘anti-intention’ and ‘proposition negativity’. (See (1)–(4)) The four functions are all used presently and spread across different degrees of subjectivity. There is also a recently developed function ‘speech act negativity’, which is intersubjective. (See (5))
This study provides a cognitive semantic and pragmatic account of the development of -te-shimau. I will focus on a synchronic bottom-up description of the functions mentioned above and associated contexts involved in the usage of the marker using data consisting of forty sets of short conversations and conversational parts of a novel.
The present study supports Traugott and Dasher’s ideas in two respects. First, intersubjective usage of -te-shimau involves the persistence of a certain cognitive component, namely, a force dynamic schema of “divided self” (Talmy 1988a). For example, the least subjective function ‘coerced completion’ exhibits force interaction between, ‘subject’s reluctance to perform an action (agonist) and his/her intention to perform the action (antagonist) that overcomes the reluctance. The intersubjective function exhibits force interaction between ‘speaker’s sensitivity about the content of the speech that potentially has a negative impact on the hearer’ (agonist) and ‘the intention of performing the speech act’ (antagonist) overcoming the sensitivity. Thus, intersubjectivity can be characterized as a domain shift in force dynamics with its underlying schema remaining constant. Second, both the subjectification and intersubjectification of -te-shimau involve a mechanism of understatement since they involve the choice of a marker with more concrete meanings (such as ‘anti-intention’) to express more abstract meanings, ‘proposition negative’ and ‘speech act negative’, respectively. The speaker uses the strategy of stating that the action was done unintentionally in order to express something like ‘I am sorry it happened’ (subjectivity) and ‘I am sorry I have to say this to you’ (intersubjectivity).
On the other hand, the study also indicates a “refractive” nature further along on the (inter)subjectification continuum. That is, intersubjectification is unnatural in the sense that it involves idiosyncratic and “external” factors. First, idiosyncrasy arises due to the fact that affective/emotive notions are associated with speaker’s involvement. Second, some “external” factors are suspected to be involved in recent usage of -te-shimau, which has little force dynamics and diminished intersubjectivity, acting like an empty marker (see (6)). This post-(inter)subjectification phenomenon is seen frequently with the contracted form -chau and thus is probably associated with frequent usage of the marker in casual contexts perhaps reinforced by phonological reduction.
Examples
(1) ‘Self-coerced completion’ (non-subjective, force-dynamic)
hayameni yanano wa sumasete-shimatte…
early on annoying thing TOP finish(Vt.)-SHIMAU
“I get finished with annoying stuff early on…”
(2) ‘Natural completion’ (non-subjective, not force-synamic)
gootee tat-chau yo, gootee da yo
mansion build (Vi)-SHIMAU IP mansion COP IP
‘A mansion will be built (naturally), a mansion, you know.’
(3) ‘Anti-intention’ (quasi-subjective, force-dynamic)
Tenchoo mo sasuga ni waratte-shimau tte kanji dat-ta
Manager also even laugh-SHIMAU like COP-PAST
‘It was like, even our manager burst into laughter.’
(4) ‘Proposition negative’ (subjective, force-dynamic in some cases)
kazoku saigo no ryokoo ni natte-shimat-ta
family last GEN travel become-SHIMAU-PAST
‘It turned out to be my last family trip to my regret.’
(5) ‘Speech act negative’ (intersubjective, force dynamic)
Ano, karu-sugiru na tte ki shi-chau n desu kedo
(hedge) light-too P QUOT feeling do-SHIAMU-EMPH-POL but
‘I sort of feel it is too light.’ (expressing one’s opinion to someone)
(6) “light” marker (intersubjective?, force dynamic?)
a. hisashiburi ni piano hii-chat-ta
after a long time piano play-SHIMAU-PAST
‘I sort of played the piano after a long time’ (telling someone)
b. andaarain nanka hii-cha-oo kana
underline like draw-SHIMAU-COL I wonder
‘I will perhaps draw underlines or something.’ (talking to self)
(from short conversations compiled by Toshio Ohori (Tokyo University) and the novel Kanashii Yokan by Yoshimoto Banana.)
Selected References
Ono, Tsuyoshi and Ryoko Suzuki. 1993. The development of a marker of speaker’s attitude: The pragmatic use of the Japanese grammaticalized verb shimau in conversation. Berkeley Linguistics Society. 18.
Soga, Matsuo. 1983. Tense and Aspect in Modern Colloquial Japanese. University of British Columbia Press.
Strauss, Susan and Sung-Ock Sohn.1998. Grammaticalization, Aspect, and Emotion: The Case of Japanese -te shimau and Korean -a/e pelita. Japanese/Korean Linguistics. vol 8. Stanford: CSLI.
Suzuki, Ryoko. 1999. Language socialization through morphology: The affective suffix -CHAU in Japanese. Journal of Pragmatics. 31.
Traugott, Elizabeth C and Richard Dasher. 2002. Regularity of Semantic Change. Cambridge University Press.
Yoshikawa, Taketoki. 1976. Gendai Nihongo Dooshi no Asupekuto no Kenkyuu. In Haruhiko Kindaichi (ed.) Nihongo Dooshi no Asupekuto. Mugi Shobo.
